What follows is an unfinished essay which I’ll orobably never get round to completing or formatting properly, but thought I’d post here anyway. The links to sources are left as HTML and some of them may be dead, so the whole thing is a bit patchy and I’ll try to add a few details to it here and there.
Since its creation in 1992, Demos has portrayed itself as a left-leaning ‘think tank’, yet its initial Advisory Board was dominated by those who wished to extend a ‘Thatcherite’ neo-conservatism into the ‘New Labour’ project. Funded by big business, Demos grew to be part of a parasitical group of ‘policy entrepreneurs,’ lobbyists and front groups based in ‘The Mezzanine,’ an office opposite Shell’s London HQ. Demos masks its role as a paid front by adopting a posture of intellectual and social concern. Since its formation in the early 90s it has operated as a type of PR agency in the lucrative business lurking within complex Government bureaucracy, exploiting and manipulating inside information trafficked between business interests and the emerging New Labour government. It played an important agenda-setting role promoting various concepts to policy-makers, the media and the public. Lobby groups, public relations, information gathering, advertising, media and consultancy services to large corporations are increasingly merging and have brought in US style techniques of public deception through the transformation, manipulation and even creation of groups, information and images to benefit its corporate clients.
This is an exploration of the people involved, touching upon their more parapolitical and covert associations which take us into the areas of the intelligence agencies, political PR companies, ‘astroturf’ (fake grass roots) organisations and those who dissimulate a left-wing position. It describes an elite and those who wish to serve that elite to maintain the status quo. Think tanks such as Demos pander to the strategies, structures and operating processes of major corporations and are complicit factors in the ever decreasing ability of governments to meet the needs and expectations of their constituents. The ulterior motive of the multi-national’s ‘corporate community engagement’ is to pirate (or ‘privatise’) money from government social management infrastructures which, in the long term, will eventually abrogate responsibility for social policy to large financial concerns. And they are assisted in this by organisations such as Demos who ‘normalise’ the process. The recent version of this ancient rationale is concocted by think tanks as part of a supposedly new ‘Third way’ approach. It has resulted in a return to quasi-Victorian notions such as the Mezzanine’s ‘venture philanthropy’ or ‘social entrepreneurialism’.
Anthony Giddens’ Third Way ideas, such as the ‘responsible risk taker,’ grew out of conversations with Demos’s director Geoff Mulgan. Giddens went further in suggesting ‘no rights without obligations’ as ‘a prime motto for the new politics.’
At the behest of New Labour they concocted ill-thought-out concepts for social experimentation on the poor as if they were a bunch of lab rats. What they derived was ‘embedded’ in New Labour’s Social Exclusion Unit and overseen by the Performance and Innovation Unit, both run by Mulgan. In 1998, also at the direction of the Government, an ‘on-line think tank’ called Nexus initiated (within ‘on-side’ academic circles) a series of debates on the Third way, involving Anthony Giddens, David Marquand (also Demos), Julian Le Grand (Professor of Social Policy at the LSE), the Directors of the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) and the Fabian Society. But no academic backing was given to the practical meaning or legitimacy of the Third Way. Nexus was held up as providing a “tested model of how intellectuals, academics, social entrepreneurs and policy experts would assist the development of the public policy of centre-left governments”. It soon deteriorated almost to extinction. The vacuum in Third Way thinking is matched by the inability of its proponents to apply its ideas to concrete social realities. Whether elaborated by Blair, Giddens or Mulgan the Third Way is always in search of meaning, presenting concepts awaiting precise definition. But does political expediency actually need or desire intellectual and moral justification? If the Third Way remains a fuzzy undefined concept, it ceases to aid the process of political accountability.
Essentially those who surround Demos and New Labour think tanks such as the IPPR make money out of the discussion of poverty. One of the most blatant hypocritical examples of this ‘internal market’ being the ERSC/government funded Research Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion (CASE). In its second year in ‘99 they managed to spend £764,000 on themselves, only producing a couple of books and reports which are overwhelmingly influenced by the work of the Director, John Hills who writes with Geoff Mulgan. The whole point of CASE seems to be to report to Mulgan and tell him what he already knows.
The impetus for Demos is said to have emerged from the anti-Marxist magazine Marxism Today (MT) and as such contains elements which have joined the right on attacks on the radical Left. Central to Demos founder and MT editor, Martin Jacques’ and sociologist Stuart Hall’s ideas is the portrayal of both ‘Old Left’ and ‘New Right’ as coherent, monotheist political ideologies, this is a convenient myth—but a misleading form of product differentiation. The left and right-wing establishment position cannot really account for their complicity in the suppression and repression which was targeted at the Left in the cold war years — none of it is in the history books or the official accounts, most of the relevant information is a secret we are told. The prevailing illusion is that this only happened during the ‘Cold War’ and that everything now is open. This has gone on so long that a great deal of that suppression and covert compliance with government (and the market ideology) has become internalised and institutionalised within what is passed off as intellectual culture. This is a major problem. A fundamental cultural insecurity.
In the Thatcher years and before, many independent journalists took the influence of think tanks to be a malignant and covert right-wing influence in politics. They realised certain organisations were providing doubtful research to reinforce government/intelligence service’s propaganda. Overall this was rarely acknowledged in academia and the papers and TV, who were themselves manipulated. In some cases contrary evidence was vociferously kept out of debate by those within institutions who were connected and/or sympathetic in recruiting and training within academia. These previous Marxists: Mulgan, Jacques and Hall who founded Demos, adhere to ‘postmodernism’ and the ‘Third Way’ because it mirrors their own personal sell-outs and biddable political conscience. As we shall see below, they have found a place as agents of influence, joining up with what Anthony Verrier called the ‘permanent government.’ In doing so they fall in line with a tradition which has given us the insanity of the neo-conservatives and the new McCarthyism, indeed they represent a British variant of this with strong ties to US. It is also possible to view the the network of right-wingers around the social democrats revealed below as a revival of the old CIA-funded Congress for Cultural Freedom network, which originally ran Encounter. Increasingly there appears to be a continuity from the Marshall Plan of the 40s through the CIA involvement with Labour politics in the 50s and 60s to the Social Democratic breakaway in the early 80s to the New Labour, secure in the hands of a pro-capitalist tendency loyal to US power.
Martin Jaques pushed the importance of interpreting ideology as no more than the job of gaining the consent of the dominant class. The relations of production, exploitation and the desire for power, impunity and privilege at the heart of the system were overlooked. The market (and its effects) as a structured system of relationships and values escaped their critique. This delineated only free relations of ‘exchange’ between individuals in the market as consumers. ‘Consumerism’ is an ideology which holds that if you go for a haircut and find yourself turned into a meat pie, you have the right to boycott the barbers. The early 80s attack of the new conservatives and monetarists on social democratic capitalism together with the collapse of the soviet system gave the market and its values a new prominence for Jacques. Together with Stuart Hall they produced political critiques — particularly in the journal ‘New Times’ — of the new right and are associated with coining the phrase ‘Thatcherism’. Critics believe these overestimated its ideological and political coherence and its success in reforming the machinery of state and in capturing public opinion:
“Because Thatcherism had a ‘project’, it was concluded that the left needed one too. This, it was argued meant a long and difficult reform of the left on the ‘hard road to renewal’. But the results of this in ‘New Times’ and ‘post-fordism’ involved the jettisoning of many of the critical analyses of left thought.”
Greg Philo & David Miller, Cultural Compliance, Glasgow Media Group Glasgow June 1998.
Hence the junk science pseudo-sociology of the ‘policy entrepreneur’, through this wilful ignorance in exchange for money, we have a social thought which has moved far away from examining the actual conditions of the society in which we live:
“…at a time of widespread disenchantment or retreat on the intellectual left when theory itself had abandoned the ground of oppositional critique and assumed the role of a legitimising discourse with every motive for dissimulating its own material interests and conditions of emergence. In which case we would do better to drop all the glitzy self-promoting talk of ‘post-modernism’, ‘New Times’ etc., talk whose sole function — whether wittingly or not — is to offer an escape-route or convenient alibi for thinkers with a large (if unacknowledged) stake in the ‘cultural logic of late capitalism.’”
C. Norris Reclaiming the Truth: Contribution to a Critique of Cultural Relativism, London Lawrence & Wishart. Quoted from the above.
It is impossible to believe that Demos are ‘unwitting’, given that Martin Jacques modeled Demos on the Thatcherite think tanks. They were employed by New Labour in much the same capacity as the Thatcher government employed the CPS and the IEA and, as we shall see, the central characters who formulated ‘Thatcherism’ have been advising and steering Demos since its formation. Why they should shack up with Jacques “the Communist” is incongruous only if we take his politics at face value. There are no credible left-wing figures on Demos’ Advisory Board. The abundant connections and services to big business and organisations such as the Bilderberg, Ditchley, Royal Institute for International Affairs etc. represents their connivance with elite gatherings of business interests unfettered by the democratic process. They are part of the laissez passer in the laissez faire.
1. Maggie! Maggie! Maggie!
The arch cold warrior Brian Crozier’s memoir Free Agent has a curious passage where he meets “The Great Financier” (probably the late James Goldsmith) at Heathrow Airport. This gives us an interesting slant on covert projects against the Left in the mid to late 80s. Crozier is told of a February 1985 dinner at Chequers where a range of plans to attack the left-wing influence on politics in the UK were discussed with another mystery financier and Keith Joseph. Crozier was meeting Mrs Thatcher the next day and ‘Goldsmith’ briefed him that:
“The theme for discussion was neither the Soviet threat… nor the state of the economy, nor a general election. It was an insidious domestic problem: the challenge to the government of the self-styled ‘People’s Republics’ in the Greater London Council (GLC) and a number of municipal councils, including Liverpool, Sheffield, Glasgow, and certain London boroughs…”
The Financiers recommended that Crozier should run a “full counter-subversion programme” and when he met Thatcher — which happened at the height of the miners strike — he and his “young London activists” are commissioned to engage in “penetration, legislation, influence and publicity” operations against such dangers as nuclear free-zones, Ken Livingstone and the GLC. What emerged was set up under the umbrella of Crozier’s ‘61’ group which focused these tactics on Militant’s “success in capturing Labour Party organisations at constituency and municipal level”, crypto-communists, which he defines as: “…a group of Communists who, by agreement with Moscow and with the CPGB, were no longer card-carrying party members [and] operated in Parliament” and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), which he notes was divided by the Euro-Communists although he does not mention Martin Jacques as the leader of this faction.
Crozier was also involved in the setting up of the SDP which was another reaction to a percieved left-wing take-over of the Labour Party (despite the right-wing take over of the Conservatives). Crozier felt it seemed unlikely that the SDP/Liberal alliance, “our social democratic experiment” was going to work against the Left: only Thatcher had prevented a “Communist take-over of the apparatus of state”. At a meeting a year later Crozier asked for funding for a propaganda publication attacking Socialism, co-authored by his friend, Arthur Seldon of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA).
The Security Services seemed wary of Crozier and these (largely unspecified and paranoid) projects against the Left seem complementary to those overseen by Michael Heseltine and Lord Carrington: the scale of which is only now emerging. Anti-Left moves were also escalating within the Labour Party: openly against Militant and under the cover of ‘modernisation’ in the formation of the Institute for Public Policy (IPPR). Under President Reagan the Americans — particularly wary of the security of their military bases — were busy reactivating Cold War networks which aimed to gather these trends together towards a pro-American orientation.
Now, if one of the Chequers Financiers was Goldsmith then the Crozier meeting can be seen in the context of the earlier formation of the British American Project (BAP). Tom Easton’s account of the initial BAP meeting depicts Goldsmith, Rupert Murdoch and George Gallup as similar “Financiers” with the USIA’s Charles Wick focusing the meeting towards a propaganda effort “specifically on our needs in Europe.” Within the Reagan NSC’s revivification of the Cold War, BAP’s attempt to create an Atlanticist “Successor Generation” saught to merge future leaders of the left and right. Implicit with Easton’s analysis is that these moves tapped into older establishment anti-Left networks: often gathering those who previously worked under the rubric of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF). Then the focus on the GLC, the talk of ‘penetration’, the CPGB and the other ‘left-wing’ councils takes on an interesting slant. Back in the 80s a Council backed ‘Nuclear Free Zone’ in Glasgow may have seemed tokenistic to the average person, but to the Americans running the missile base on the Clyde it might have indicated creeping Communist influence.
So questions emerge: were these US/UK intelligence operations to influence European intellectual and political life provided with a younger generation who posed as Marxists and Socialists? Are we now seeing the ‘fruits’ of this. Is it connected to Thatcher and Crozier’s plans? Is it connected to CCF days? It could be wrong to portray these alliances, as one between like-minded allies, yet the connections outlined below contain drives to reduce politics to a PR smokescreen for big business and the ravages of the market ideology. The co-operation was grounded in an original, deeper suspicion of the Left and a simple elitist careerism. The coincidences may be circumstantial. We can certainly find parapolitical links and even characters such as Arthur Seldon, Crozier’s accomplice, in the present day ‘New Labour’ project by studying Demos. Its formation was acknowledged by Jacques as an extension of Marxism Today, which makes a damning indictment of that magazine’s project. Its initial line up seems more like a gathering of those who wished to subversively extend ‘Thatcherism’ into the Labour party. Below are the names of the initial 1992 Advisory Board together with short biographical descriptions. Other indications of the nature of Demos as a political project come from an understanding of the other ‘independent charity’ groups it ‘works’ with in the ‘Mezzanine’ office. This forms the second section.
According to Martin Jacques he thought up Demos because
“…right-wing think tanks had been very successful as intellectual outriders for Thatcherism, bringing together different groups of people, and I thought we needed something like that — ‘we’ being, at that time, the people most closely involved with Marxism Today. I suppose I thought we would want to go on thinking about individualism and collectivism, globalisation and the nation state, all those things we were working on already.”
(Independent On Sunday 24/1/93)
The initial line-up of Demos’ (tellingly the name came from an Advertising Executive) can hardly be called ‘left-of-centre’. There were 16 initial members:
The youngest member of the CPGB executive at the age of 22, in recognition of work in the Young Communist League and the ‘intellectual lobby’. The ‘Enemy Within’ (Francis Beckett 1995, Merlin) puts him as having a hand in the election of a (not noticeably more left-wing) Jack Straw to the NUS presidency. Jacques is also convincingly portrayed by Beckett as a leader of the schismatic squabbles which seen the demise of the CPGB, but his own career enhanced. His tenure is categorised as that of a period of deception, secret funding, rigged ballots, fist fights, suspected secret service penetration, lunatic purges and mismanagement.
He edited the revisionist British Road To Socialism (1978) with George Matthews who was privy to the secret USSR funding. This promoted the recruitment of a ‘broad democratic alliance’ of not the unions and the working class (which Jacques seems to loath), but single issue campaigns: ‘environmentalists, feminists, gay movement, black communities and nationalist groups’. As noted he developed the “Eurocommunist” line and edited Marxism Today (MT) which further undermined the basis of Marxism in the CPGB; offering a blend of middle-class academia and yuppie consumerism. He states he only stayed in the CPGB because of MT and that he didn’t know about the Soviet subsidy money. After the revelations which came from within, after probing by the Sunday Times, Jacques resigned.
With Nina Temple (who joins Geoff Mulgan on Crime Concern and is an associate of Peter Mandelson) he formed the Democratic Left (DL) which gained the CPGB’s £4m assets rather than those grouped around the Morning Star. The DL’s New Times followed Changes as journalistic vehicles for Jacques’ vendetta against Socialism. He was supposedly influential with Kinnock’s ‘modernising’ circle until the 92 election. MT had long sought to persuade Kinnock and Tony Blair (who apparently wrote for it) to ditch traditional Socialist principles in its role as a latter day Encounter or Commentary — instead of CIA funding the subvention came from the USSR, apparantly with the knowledge of MI6 who let it run. Nina Temple is on the board of the New Labour journal Renewal, which was housed in Tim Bell’s offices (Bell attended a planning meeting with Thatcher and Crozier) and editor Neal Lawson worked for Lowe Bell before starting LLM, one of the New Labour Lobbyist companies exposed by Greg Palast’s ‘Lobbygate’ secrets-for-cash scandal. A great deal of the impetus for Demos came from the PR Lobbying ‘industry’.
Jacques was deputy editor of The Independent 1994-96 (at the time Mandelson was an advisor) when there was something of an influx of ex-Communists Demos affailiates such as Charles Leadbeater. He supposedly had a falling out with Mulgan in 98 resulting in the launch of a ‘special’ issue — on the pretext that Mulgan had went to work for the government (where he was in 93 when they started Demos). MT found its way onto the shelves of W. H. Smiths and the reissue in the the late 90s was sponsored by The New Statesman. Jim Heartfield describes Geoff Mulgan and Jacques relationship as that “between the old Central Committee Chair and his propaganda officer.” Heartfield adds that Jacques chose Mulgan to lead Demos because he was the least associated with MT.
Mulgan describes Thatcherism as “a bold project of national renewal which tackled head on many deep structural problems, but then ran out of steam.” He has led Demos since 93.
In his early days, from 1982-84, he was an administrator at the Greater London Council, then from 84-86 an investment executive for Greater London Enterprise which worked closely with the business world. From 86-87 he went to the US on a Harkness Fellow (which reinforces Anglo-American links) at MIT specialising in telecommunications. From 87-90 a researcher at the Centre for Communication and Information Studies (a small specialist research centre for mass media, telecommunications and other ‘cultural industries’).
Geoff’s CV doesn’t mention his membership of the British American Project in 96 or clarify what his position was in organising the ‘demos’ stunt for the Labour Party. This attempted to mix politics and culture to seduce the young and gullible copying CND’s festival at Glastonbury and the CPGB’s festivals of Marxism, but this is now seen as being:
“… created outside the traditional youth organisation, the Labour Party Young Socialists… probably because the LPYS was dominated by the Trotskyist organisation Militant and was openly hostile to the Labour Party leadership.”
Mandelson had a role in Red Wedge too. Of the period he confesses:
“All this stuff was born when I was communications director, when I really was chasing Militant, when I really was being thrown into battle against the Benns and the Livingstones and the Derek Hattons of this world…”
September 26/9/02 The Guardian
It is said that Mulgan was the driver of the Red Wedge “1987 Election tour bus”. Although obviously a poor judge, Billy Bragg’s autobiography notes that Mulgan was visibly “very much a socialist at the time,” which is certainly not the case today. Mulgan believes that Red Wedge, which lasted till the early 90s “…contributed to the modernisation of the Labour Party”: so it is part of the period’s shift away from Socialist policy, ideas and principles. For Mulgan, to a certain extent, “developments in the presentation of Labour policy in the following years drew on the experience of Red Wedge.”
In the late 80s Mulgan was involved in the Comedia ‘consultancy’ which (alongside Roger Liddle’s Pieda), discreetly advised city administrations to engage in a highly politicised form of cultural ‘redevelopment,’ particularly in the northern councils. Opportunistic as ever, they followed the money and piggy-backed on Hesletine’s inititives in the Garden Festivals and other phoney PR contrivancies of no real benefit to the people. Pieda and Comedia siphoned off money intended for the poor in consultancy fees: Mulgan provided the deceptive bum fodder which padded out their efforts with an intellectual veneer.
Deborah Stevenson argues that the cultural planning discourses offered by “advocates of the revised Marxism known as ‘New Times’,” such as Stuart Hall, Geoff Mulgan and Beatrix Campbell, demonstrated a niave romantic belief in a past form of urbanity that was qualitatively better than the present form.
“Rediscovering a culture of some lost urban experience is a central theme… A telling indicator of its centrality is the extensive use of the prefix ‘re’ in the language of cultural planning. The literature is littered with examples, such as, re-enchantment, re-construction, re-creation, re-juvenation, and the like, indicating the cyclical nature of much postmodernist theory. It is surely time to consider the assumptions and values implicit in the use of such language. Could cultural planning be an attempt to reconstruct in the city that which never actually existed? Or, if such place-centred communities did exist in antiquity, have modernity and modernism simply transformed, rather than annihilated them? And, in either case, is there any real justification for trying to create these experiences/environments anew?”
They ignore (in some of the most corrupt councils in the UK) the lack of participatory democracy and the narrowing of government decision making processes (of which urban planning is a prime example). Stevenson notes “There is no longer a mechanism that allows for a flow of information between civil society and the state. This, I suggest, is where any re-analysis of the relationship between the public sphere and city planning should begin.”
In places like Glasgow, cultural redevelopment began to mean the purge of many ‘old-fashioned’ left-wing people in positions of power in an effort to ‘modernise’ indigenous and nascent culture which the outside consultants like Comedia and Pieda knew nothing of and cared even less: their agenda simply followed the money. Culture was imported and local history eradicated, largely because a significant percentage of it pointed to a politically radical history. We must also note that the “redevelopment” paradigm benefited big business (with the overturning of local government statutes banning McDonalds etc.), property developers (who could be brought in the front door rather than the back) and seen the privatisation and sell off of many public assetts to newly formed consortiums after any debts had been offloaded on the public. Glasgow in 1990 was awash with cultural swindles and the aftermath of the year of culture saw year in year out cuts in public services affecting the most vurnerable sections of the community. The outerlying estates continue to have the worse infant-mortality rates in Europe.
A kind of idle de-humanisation marks Mulgan’s writing. Two early works for Demos one with his former girlfriend Helen Wilkenson which, in my opinion, aimed to update writers like Charles Murray’s work In a search for an alarmist headline ‘Futurologists’ such his former girlfriend Helen Wilkinson “coined the term ‘underwolves’ with Mulgan to characterise what they claimed were a growing band of young people ‘disconnected from society’ who increasingly “threaten the social order.” This, in my opinion was an update of Charles Murray’s work on “the underclass,” which created a ‘deserving’ and an ‘undeserving’ poor — thus encouraging the withdrawal of state responsibility . This was the begining of Demos’ interest in ‘social exclusion.’ Taking this doctrine on board means the high infant mortality rate in the east end of Glasgow is evidence that the still-born somehow excluded themselves from the riches which limitless opportunity affords new members of the Royal Family. Yet resources are finite in almost every government response apart from war and MP’s salary increases.
Mulgan, G. and Wilkinson, H. (1995) Freedom’s Children: Work, Relationships and Politics for 18-34 year olds in Britain Today. London: Demos.
http://www.newint.org/issue213/bargain.htm is an example of just how bad Mulgan and Worpole’s writing can be.
Even sympathetic reviews of Mulgan’s much promoted “Connexity” stated that:
“Geoff Mulgan is no writer. There is scarcely a paragraph in this book that could not be better arranged, nor a sentence that would not benefit from more vivid, precise vocabulary […] There are no people in this book, not even, because of his prose, Mulgan. The authorities he quotes are disembodied thinkers and the ideas they promote seem to come from some ethereal realm of pure thought. The living, sweating masses appear only in fleeting anecdote.”
Philip Graham and Bernard McKenna said of Mulgan’s writing:
“…much of the theorising that goes under the heading of complex systems theory, especially in the areas of management and organisational communication, takes the form of sophistry that legitimises structural amorality.”
They discusses Mulgan in the context of those who use complex systems theories to remove the tobacco industry of culpability in deceiving the public about the dangers of tobacco. They follow Alan Sokal’s criticism of current applications of complexity theory in sociology which stresses that it ‘is in a very inchoate stage, even as pure mathematics’ and contends that ‘its supposed “applications” to social phenomena usually seem to amount to nothing more than pasting trendy metaphors over banal ideas.” They assert that Mulgan’s reading of ‘autopoiesis’ is ill-informed, ignoring the specifics and fundamental tenets intrinsic to autopoietic systems. They argue Mulgan “…provides a platform from which such pseudo-scientific managerialism divests itself of responsibility for systemic outcomes. Furthermore, uncritical complex systems theorising provides a new dimension of structural amorality in which conservative rationalism flourishes.”
The deception in Mulgan’s work is clearly revealed and refuted by Thomas Frank, who places it within a “Golden Age for homegrown meta-theory”, just so long that is that “the theory in question reached the mandated conclusion, that the market was the highest, the greatest, the most enviable form of human organization… If you could come up with a novel intellectual means to reach that conclusion, to establish the glories of the market, then the ’90s were a great time to be in the intellectual business.”
Demos has imported several theorists pushing this propaganda and this typifies their input into New Labour. The aim is to lay claim to the future — the free market — as defined by “captains of industry, management theorists, and Republican politicians”. Frank observes that:
“Usually this connection between markets and the future would reveal itself to business thinkers as a matter of inevitability, as a kind of technological determinism. The triumph of markets over everything was unavoidable, they would tell us, because computers were growing faster and cheaper, because bandwidth was doing all its miraculous tricks, because of demographic changes that were sure to come, because global trade was so overwhelmingly, unthinkably, authoritatively global.”
He also states that in writing of this type a fundamental contradiction is ignored:
“That determinism of any kind flatly contradicted the usual everyone-will-be-free promise of the Internet and of market populism generally seems never to have bothered anyone. In fact these two ideas would often come connected, in a kind of rhetorical good cop/bad cop routine: The market will give you a voice, empower you to do whatever it is that you want to do, and should you have any doubts about that then the market will crush you and everything you have ever known.”
Using the example of Reagan’s speech writer George Gilder, Frank also observes an early nineties shift in right-wing thinking: Gilder went from being “a supply-side moralist, always griping about the horrors of feminism and lamenting the counterculture — that’s what he was in the early ’80s — to being what he is today: the guiding spirit of the change-everything new economy… Before long he was finding that the microchip, this inherently libertarian device, also revealed to mankind a number of new laws of the universe: Moore’s Law, Metcalfe’s Law, the law of the microcosm, and the awe-inducing law of the telecosm, all of them as unappealable as the old laws of gravity and of diminishing return; new laws of nature that specifically affirmed the politics of Gilder’s beloved entrepreneur.”
This type of pseudo (or junk) science was directly adopted in Mulgan’s ‘Connexity’ (p175) where he states: “In an earlier chapter I described the three laws which provide a starting point for underestanding connexity—Moore’s law, which states that the cost of computing power halves every eighteen month; Metcalfe’s law, which states that the value of a network rised relative to the square of the numbers using it, and Kao’s law, which states that the power of creativity rises exponentially with the divergence of those involved.”
Frank, in defing this as a neo-conservative project, percieves an emulation in Demos’ contribution to the illusion of the ‘new economy’ as a miracle worker (adopted by New Labour) and directly refers to Mulgan and Jacques’ suspect ‘Communist’ past and pretentious and desperate exchange of Marx for Moore’s law.
“But if you read far enough into these Demos books, what you discover is that what the authors have actually done is round up various clichés from popular American management theory and, adopting, a tone of extreme historical righteousness, recast this stuff as political advice. It’s all there — the flattened, anti-hierarchical corporation as the way of the future, attacks on Taylorism, breathless praise for the learning organization, the magic of networks, even stuff about “free agent” nation.”
Branding emerges as the predominant concept — the Demos solution to ‘just about everything’— and what could be more directly ‘borrowed’ from advertising techniques? Of course rebranding a nation means re-branding the people: slaves and cattle — those fools who socially excluded themselves; private capital (the rich) have cunningly re-branded themselves as global and out of reach of the law.
Frank also observes the opportunities for leftists that ‘change sides,’ (this is institutionalised in the UK with the Labour Party establishment) the government or business-funded ‘ideological sinecures’ involved in active confirmation of the ‘goodness of the corporate order’. ‘Having fought the market on behalf of the common people, on behalf of the workers, on behalf of equality’ and having investigated several theoretical angles they offer themselves as living proof of apostacy, or as Lenny Bruce called it: ‘the workable lie’.
“Demos authors tend to slip nonchalantly into the future tense to reason that, as the future will be requiring X, we’d better be doing Y in order to get ready… all arguments about globalization and markets boil down to questions of being in sync with our historical epic.”
He notes that this is a re-working of techniques borrowed from the Marxism Today crowd’s 1989 anthology New Times which stated that the western world was entering a big change: ‘from Fordism to post-Fordism’, warning (leftists) of the dangers of being ‘overtaken by history’. Contemporary Demos writing still exhibits this historical determinism ‘even after its political polarities have been reversed’. Fifty pence is still worth the same whether it’s heads or tails.
From 90-92 Mulgan was special adviser to Gordon Brown at the DTI, he also described himself as “the Clinton campaign’s link to Labour, which involved lots of telephone calls with the Americans — ‘mainly advising them how not to repeat our mistakes.’ ” How these contacts came into existence is unspecified
Independent On Sunday 24/1/93
Demos aimed to transpose the mishmash of MT’s ‘fetishised and feted’ Thatcherism (individualism, the market, private ownership, consumer culture, rights and responsibilities, community, citizenship and modernisation dressed up as progressive) into Labour Party policy. Mulgan was part of a 1995 “secret committee” led by Peter Mandelson “to examine policy changes,” which met at Westminster on alternate Fridays. Set up just before Blair flew to meet Murdoch it was officially described as a group of outside experts “helping to write sections of speeches and background papers” for the PM. Some senior MPs noticed it was a policy making forum and among those excluded were Gordon Brown and Robin Cook. The group contained no MPs preferring Roger Liddle, City economist Derek Scott (both former SDP members), Patricia Hewitt, and TV producer Michael Wills (now a labour MP). It was here that Blair was urged to use the SDP as a party model by Mandelson and Liddle, which the pair described as “broadly based and free from special interests.” Both Scott and Mulgan would later accompany Blair on the first big jaunt to the US in February 1998.
(Guardian 18/7/95 and 15/7/95)
While not wanting to overestimate the influence of political advisors drawn from the CPGB: Mulgan, Charles Leadbeater, David Miliband and so forth, analysis of the effect of think tanks such as Demos is undernourished.
Mulgan’s role is deliberately blurry and ambiguous. As Demos ‘policy entrepreneur’ he pushed forward various ideas into Labour to aid in the concoction and organisation of an artificial intellectual consensus around certain key issues. Typically this connected markets and the future as a matter of inevitability, as determinism.
His use and promotion of the ‘end of ideology’ dictum mimics the 50’s Cold War in that it is centred on manipulating existing viewpoints of the Left rather than the creation of new ones. His eventual government appointment to the Prime Minister’s Policy Unit converted Demos’ experiments into new shibboleths surrounding social exclusion, welfare to work, family, urban, voluntary sector and other issues largely to coerce NGOs dealing with the poor. His appointment was attacked by the Tories as an example of ‘cronyism’ and the creeping politicisation of the civil service under Labour. He is the first person to cross the line from political adviser to fully fledged civil servant as Director of the Performance and Innovation Unit (PIU) at the Cabinet Office and then Director of Blair’s Forward Strategy Unit in No 10.
Blair announced on June 21/6/01 that the PIU was to review the strategic issues surrounding energy policy for Britain. Their report argued that the “introduction of liberalised and competitive energy markets in the UK has been a success, and this should provide a cornerstone of future policy in the UK and internationally.” How they arrived at their conclusions can be judged by looking at their seminar in Admiralty Arch 4/7/01: Geoff Mulgan Introduces and hands over to Chair, Kevin Tebbit, Permanent Under-Secretary of State, Ministry of Defence. There is then a presentation of PIU sponsored research (strategic futures group) that involves: Sian Davies, Chief Executive, The Henley Centre (which has several Demos members) then Bob Tyrrell, Director, Sociovision (Demos trustee), then there’s more research this time from Ged Davis, Vice President, Global Business Environment, Shell International Ltd. (across the road from Demos and a funder) then closing comments from Geoff Mulgan. Lunch everyone!
He’s also a trustee of the Political Quarterly with Richard Holme of BAP, Prima, the Constitutional Reform Centre and Green Alliance (part of RTZ’s greenwash) and on the editorial board of Green Futures journal and Prospect magazine.
There is an American Demos and an American Prospect Magazine (with the CCF’s Daniel Bell on board) who jointly work with The Soros and the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Mulgan’s book ‘Connexity’ cites Bell’s ‘The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism’ as its guiding light. The former director of CIA funded New Leader, Bell’s ‘The End of Ideology’ held that “growing economic affluence had in effect made the traditional working class indistinguishable from the middle-class. Consequently, ‘Marxist’ theories of class struggle were redundant”. The postmodernism of its day.
Mulgan, After the End of Politics, The Political Economy Research Centre, Sheffield University, February 1994 http://www.shef.ac.uk/~perc/Polpaps/MULGAN.pdf.
In the American edition of ‘The End of Ideology’ Bell states that it is a collection of articles (which first appeared in Commentary and Encounter) ‘prompted’ by Irving Krystol (now with the neo-Conservative American Enterprise Institute), Micheal Josselson and Melvin Lasky (‘an old comrade’) and that the longer essays were presented at CCF conferences. Bell states he worked for the CCF (55-57) as director of international seminars and cites a CCF conference in 57 ‘under the auspices of St. Antony’s College Oxford’.
Mulgan is a Trustee of Crime Concern which works in partnership with the Prudential insurance, forming a (£750,000 Home Office funded) adjunct to their “Corporate Social Responsibility” initiatives http://www.crimeconcern.org.uk/pages/newstext.asp?newsID=4.1.79
It is also funded by business with a turnover of £10 million. It raises about £2m from charities and the Lottery. The rest comes from selling their ‘services’ of media liaison, information provision and promotional work. The board includes: Princess Anne, Lord Brittan, Lord Carr, Sir Brian Corby, Lord Hunt, Lord Merlyn-Rees, Sir Geoffrey Mulcahy (Kingfisher plc), Michael Hastings (Head of Political and Parliamentary Affairs, BBC), Nathaniel Sloane (Accenture), Simon Lewis, (Centrica plc), Matt Baggott (Deputy Chief Constable, West Midlands Police), Bridget McIntyre (Norwich Union Insurance), Liz Wicksteed (Home Office), Brian Kingham (Reliance Security Group plc), Sir Keith Povey (HM Inspector of Constabulary) and Sir Stanley Kalms (now Treasurer of the Conservative Party, see Seldon below).
Mulgan has brought over several free-market ideologues but reached new lows of propaganda with the organisation of ‘After the Nation State Philip Bobbitt in conversation with Max Hastings at the ICA 25/70/2’. Bobbitt (LBJ’s nephew) had recently published The Shield of Achilles, in which he argues that war is inevitable. He was Reagan’s legal counsel from 1980-81, and was on the Select Committee/cover up on secret military assistance to Iran and the Nicaraguan opposition 1987-88; director for intelligence at the NSC, 1997-98; senior director for critical infrastructure. Demos’ website also advertised an April 03 meeting with George Soros.
Sir Douglas Hague
Involved with the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), Hague was an adviser to the newly elected Mrs Thatcher and knighted for his services in 1982, becoming Chairman of the Economic and Social Research Council in 1983. He was part of the 1981 ‘Policy Unit’, made up of David Howell, Cecil Parkinson, Norman Lamont, Alan Walters, David Wolfson, Norman Strauss, John Hoskyns and Nigel Lawson. Their discussions provided the basis for Conservative Party strategy up until 1989.
A key figure in shaping and defending the changes in higher education during the 1980s, noted of the 1989 research selectivity exercise: ‘its aim was to supplement the pressure towards training more students at lower average costs with similar pressure to increase the quality of research and of its management in universities’.
Associate fellow at Templeton College, where, in November 95 the whole of the Labour team were sent there ‘to learn about leadership’ (Private Eye 884). This happened again (organised by Patricia Hewitt) with help from Anderson Consulting a couple of years later (Private Eye 955). Templeton has a faculty which includes Mike Harper, Consultant, The Harper Group Inc. He was formerly, Director of the Chief of Staff’s Strategic Planning Group, US Army where he has organised the Oxford Strategic Leadership Programme since 1982.
A member of the International Economic Association founded in 1950 and funded by UNESCO and also the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA). The International IEA organises conferences such as the Wilton Park conferences of the British Foreign Offices and the Anglo-American ones at Ditchley Park. Hague has been IEA’s conference rapporteur since 1953.
With Geoff Mulgan he wrote ‘Taking tax out of politics’, which advocated widening the tax base and lowering rates. He also has connections to the Adam Smith Institute (ASI) — he spoke along with Arthur Seldon (below) at their ‘Open Society,’ alongside Patricia Hewitt and Derek Draper who led a ‘Next Generation Group’ (BAP) recruitment meeting in the House of Commons
Body Shop and Common Purpose (CP). This is an ‘astroturf’ organisation (phoney grass roots) run by Demos’ Julia Middleton. The board’s presiding figures are Lord Dahrendorf, the chairman of the right-wing Ditchley Foundation and Laurence Martin of the like-minded Royal Institute of International Affairs. CP is composed of (and funded by) representatives of big business including multinationals, the police, the MOD, banks and their associates:
Gillian Ashmore (Cabinet Office, Deputy Director of the Enterprise and Deregulation Unit, worked on railway privatisation, non-executive director of P & O European Transport), Sir Jeremy Beecham (Association of Metropolitan Authorities), David Bell (Financial Times), Dr Andrew Bird (Zeneca), Dr Kevin Bond (Yorkshire Water), Richard Hatfield (Ministry of Defence), John Lee (Halifax plc), Vincent McGinlay (Marks & Spencer plc), Baroness Genista McIntosh (Royal National Theatre), Tim Melville-Ross (Institute of Directors), Sir Alastair Morton (Shadow Strategic Railway Authority and British Railways Board), Sir Herman Ouseley (Commission for Racial Equality), Janet Paraskeva (National Lottery Charities Board), Graham Prentice (Nestlé UK Ltd), John Rivers (Rolls-Royce plc), Gerry Robinson (Arts Council of England), Richard Sambrook (BBC), Barry Shaw (Cleveland Constabulary), Jan Shawe (Prudential Corporation plc), Vivien Stern (The International Centre for Prison Studies), Peter Stoddart (Nissan UK Ltd), Paul Whitehouse (Sussex Police), Ken Williams (Norfolk Constabulary), Ruth Wishart (Freelance Journalist).
They say they have offices in every UK city and that they promote ‘corporate community engagement’. Corporate funders include big business, Banks and Arms companies.
The CP constitution says it: “is diverse and non-aligned. It draws on the widest possible variety of sectors, areas, and social groups and recognises only peer level and geographical boundaries as common factors to each group. It is always independent, always balanced and owes no historical or other allegiance to any other organisation. Common Purpose works for the benefit of society as a whole…”
CP creates the illusion that it is for ordinary people, but it is not only run by an elite, its projects cater exclusively for an elite: “the rising generation of decision makers” as they said in their web site. This also stated that: “We are looking for applicants who are decision-makers in their city, towns or area”, and that “participants are over 30 and already hold a position of considerable responsibility”. Their long-term aim is “educating the next generation of leaders in each city or town”. On this basis it is a fraudulent organisation — with a close similarity to BAP — falsely arguing that they seek “the advancement of education for the public benefit… to educate men and women from a broad range of geographical, political, ethnic, institutional, social and economic backgrounds.”
CP, like Demos, channelled money away from genuine charitable causes. Their illusion of independence from funders and government was abandoned with CP’s biggest project, ‘Citizen’s Connection’. Tony Blair’s old flat mate, Lord Falconer’s New Millennium Experience Company (NMEC) said that: “Camelot, NMEC and Common Purpose created… Citizens Connection.” Camelot, and Lord Falconer gave £2 million to Common Purpose to run a web site which links to the governments’ sites, which was all Citizen’s Connection was.
The legal position of the Camelot Group was that as the operator of the Lottery it is “not responsible for the allocation of funds raised”. According to their press release the “NMEC is a non-Departmental Public Body and a company, independent from government with one shareholder, Lord Falconer”. Even after CP were given millions for their web site — their ‘Your Turn’ project was given additional funding by the National Lottery Charities Board, which with CP board member, Janet Paraskeva (currently the Chief Executive of the Law Society) the director of the National Lotteries Charities Board — the ‘independent organisation’ which distributes National Lottery money supposedly to charities and community groups’— would suggest a conflict of interest.
People have to pay to join up for any CP programme, just about all of their projects are extensions of PR exercises run by big companies, such as the ‘Your Turn’ project, which was directly run by BT’s PR consultants, so effectively these are being underwritten.
Educated at Balliol College, Oxford, after which he worked for Reuters. Director of Courtaulds plc between 1987-1990. He wrote the ‘Lex’ column in the Financial Times then joined Barclays Bank (with Sir Gerald Mobbs of Aims of Industry): which provided staff to help run Blair’s constituency office. Taylor created a bitter dispute with unions over an effective pay cuts and redundancies imposed on 25,000 employees. As part of the Budget of March 1998 Gordon Brown asked (multimillionaire) Taylor to produce a report looking at options for the reform of the tax and benefit systems, needless to say it hammered the poor.
An international advisor at Goldman Sachs and Gen. Sec. of the annual Bilderberg globalist conference, he is now chairman of W H Smith. He joined the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) and compiled their 2001 Commission on Public Private Partnerships report which insisted there should be “no ideological barriers to private sector involvement in ‘core’ public services such as clinical and intermediate health care, the management of education and local government services”. Many commentators seen the report as outrageously rigged. Its sponsors include KPMG (one of who’s partners, Baroness Stokes, was instrumental in introducing the internal market in the NHS as its Executive Director of Finance), Serco Plc (a facilities management company set up to exploit the PFI), Nomura Securities, General Healthcare Group (the largest private hospital group in the UK which runs most of the NHS’s private facilities) and the Norwich Union Insurance (one who’s employees is Gerry Holtham, a former director of the IPPR now with Demos).
Critics noted that the IPPR’s report amounted to a friendly warning to the government to start privatising health and education provision in ways that do not galvanise public opposition.
In a 15/11/01 Select Committee on Public Administration Taylor raved on (until interrupted by Lord Hollick; also Demos) that “Any intelligent government would long to be free of the incubus of the Health Service; it is a source of constant ministerial embarrassment and it is set up to be for the next ten years.” Somehow the NHS sucks blood out of the people…
A member of RTL (£4.3bn) European broadcaster that controls Channel 5 (Pearson below, also have a shareholding). Taylor is thought to be central in setting up the Private Finance Initiative. In early 93, Ministers and Treasury Officials fronted a conference hosted by the CBI and the institute of Actuaries to ‘explore changes in government policy’. It transpires that Trafalgar House, Wimpy and some big UK and US banks had already visited the Treasury some days earlier to ‘sound out’ prospects of putting the Treasury’s “Ryrie rules” in the dustbin. Named after the Treasury Mandarin William Ryrie, these rules formed the cornerstone which effectively prevented private money going in to public projects. The ‘rules’ stated that private money could only be used in place of public spending, not in addition to it: essentially so that there would be no net increase in work, and that all private sector proposals had to be cheaper than any public sector alternative. The secret meeting with the Treasury seems to have worked, the Ryrie rules bit the dust and that meant that the bothersome clause could be argued to be no longer applicable: so that what it tried to prevent could be openly put into practice. So what, that this division represented the keystone of Thatcherite policies.
Evening Standard 5/4/93
Oxford University, former chief economist of European research of Lehman Bros., now International Economist with Credit Suisse First Boston. He was one of the first two directors, with Patricia Hewitt of the IPPR, set up in 1988 to help Neil Kinnock ditch his left-wing past. In 98 Mandelson eased Matthew Taylor into Holtham’s old IPPR job (Guardian 1/6/01). A member of OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), General Economics Division. Manager of insurer Norwich Union’s £106bn Morley Fund Management’s ‘socially responsible investment’ strategy. Holtham is a member of rigged Third Way debate based around the ‘Nexus’ on-line think tank. He advises: “accept the inevitability of free market Capitalism and ask whether and how a shrunken state should use its residual powers to ameliorate the worst effects of the system.” Said to be an influence on Blair and to have worked closely in the past with leaders of Blair’s government. Connected to the Brookings Institute and a member of ‘Citizens for Europe’ (with David Marquand below).
Vice president of the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS), past presidents of which include F. A. von Hayek, Milton Friedman, Lord Harris of High Cross and Edwin Feulner, president of the Heritage Foundation. The American membership of the MPS has included Walter Lippmann (CFR), Michael Novak (CFR/American Enterprise Institute), Thomas Sowell (Hoover Institution) and Deepak Lal (Cato Institute). Seldon also advises The Independent Institute. Its activities as a business lobby were exposed in the New York Times: it was an energetic proponent of Microsoft’s cause during its trial, producing several papers, a widely cited book and newspaper campaigns, attributing Microsoft’s dominance to the “superiority of its products”. Leaked internal Institute documents showed that Microsoft secretly contributed $203,217 during 1999, specifically funding the lobbying.
Seldon is also a member of The Israel Center for Social & Economic Progress (ICSEP) run by Daniel Doran a former Isreali intelligence officer and Special Consultant to the US Embassy in Tel Aviv. The US ICSEP board includes Irving Krystol, while the UK ICSEP has, Sir Stanley Kalms (now Treasurer of Conservative Party), Lord Harris (IEA), Lord Young (British Telecom, Cable & Wireless, and British Aerospace) and Sir David Alliance (who paid the Labour Party more than £5,000 for dinner tickets in 1998) and Gerald Ronson the convicted fraudster.
As leaders of the IEA, he and Harris pioneered the application of free market ‘principles’, Seldon has further right-wing connections with the ASI and CPS. The American Enterprise Institute and IEA go back to at least 1993 when their Michael Novak gave the IEA’s Second Annual Hayek Memorial Lecture. As recent as June 2000 the IEA hosted the ‘Aims of Industry Free Enterprise Awards,’ with Aim’s Sir Nigel Mobbs.
Seldon is on the Advisory Council of the Libertarian Alliance whose journal ‘Free Life’ describes Demos as part of:
“a cavalry of Trojan horses within the citadel of leftism. The intellectual agenda is served up in a left wing manner, laced with left wing clichés and verbal gestures, but underneath all the agenda is very nearly identical to that of the Thatcherites.”
He co-authored ‘Socialism Explained’ with Brian Crozier as part of Thatcher’s anti-left project. He also edited ‘The Radical’: the Journal of the Radical Society’, founded in 1988, by Stephen Haseler and Neville Sandelson: initially a very right-wing Labour MP, then one of the founding members of the SDP supporting Thatcher’s radicalism and the anti-subversion lobby; eventually rejoining Labour party in 96.
Sandelson was also involved in the early SDA (“which concentrated on political work at the municipal level… all over the United Kingdom” according to Crozier’s Free Agent). With Haseler he took part in attacks against the Labour Party and the SDA ran candidates against Labour in the GLC elections in 81. The Radical Society had connections to Social Market Foundation (SMF), and James Goldsmith gave it £10,000.
Haseler worked for the US National Strategy Information Centre (NSIC) which:
“provided some of the cash used by journalist and CIA contract employee Brian Crozier to transform his news agency Forum World Features, a CIA front organisation into the Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC). Haseler works for the NSIC’s ‘left face’, the Advisory Committee on European Democracy and Security (ACEDS), which published his book, Eurocommunism. Co-author of the work was NSIC’s Dr Roy Godson, director of the International Labor Programme at Georgetown University in Washington DC. This institution has been a centre of cold war sentiment among US intellectuals, and many of its staff now find themselves in the Reagan administration. According to Haseler and Godson, Eurocommunism is nothing more than a Soviet ploy to detach western Europe from the U.S. without a war.”
Haseler has also written for Demos (funded by Lord Puttnam’s Nesta). His (and others) involvement show a continuity from the Marshall Plan supporters of the 40s through to the CIA/CCF involvement with Labour politicians in the 1950s and 60s to the SDP in the early 80s and on to the New Labour project.
‘Futurologist’ former Chairman and Chief Executive of the (£6m turnover) Henley Centre: a “marketing and strategic planning consultancy” owned by WPP Group which also owns J. Walter Thompson and the notorious Hill & Knowlton. Several Demos members have Henley connections and it was used (with Lord Stevenson’s SRU) by Demos for Blair and to sound out New Labour concepts to the City and vica versa, as part of the “Prawn Cocktail Offensive.” Mulgan’s role in this is noted by Shann Turnbull who met him in 96 at a conference on Communitarianism in Geneva in 1998. Mulgan has attended several Globalist conferences such as DAVOS, Ditchley etc.
“Mulgan advised me that [the] stakeholder idea had frightened the big end of town and so it had been dropped. Company directors were concerned that they would be made accountable to people other than shareholders and institutional investors were frightened that it would destroy shareholder value.”
Tyrrell chaired a CPS/Conservative ‘Futures’ committee advising William Hague at an Eastbourne gathering (with Daniel Finkelstien of SMF) and was employed by Mulgan’s PIU in 2001. At the time of Demos’ launch he was advocating the US Communitarian movement (FT 17/11/93), “…we are what we own” (Times 22/1/95). Has written for Demos on ‘New Enterprise Culture’ (pseudo moralisation) and religion and with the Foreign Policy Centre’s (and MI6’s) Yasmin Alibhai Brown. Chairman Sociovision: a Paris-based consultancy studying ‘global socio-cultural change’, European Chairman of the Global Futures Forum, a Council member of the Conservative Party Policy Forum.
He was Involved in the ‘Tomorrow Project’ another absurdly expensive think tank website run by the Revd. Michael Moynagh (an Anglican priest who offers spiritual advice to the CBI and sponges off the government on Unemployment issues) and Richard Worsley (Director of Community Affairs at BT, previously Head of Personnel British Aerospace, Director of Social Affairs CBI and the Engineering Employers Federation, director of the Carnegie UK Trust). Trustees include John Monks and Julia Middleton (Common Purpose).
‘Dennis’ (Lord) Stevenson
Multimillionaire management consultant, banking and media magnate and arch-lobbyist; something of a Lord Goodman figure. His SRU is a secretive consultancy (Stevenson keeps a low media profile) which at the time of Demos’ launch was advising the BBC governors on the future of broadcasting and Gordon Brown on Labour’s industrial policy. (Independent on Sunday 5/9/93) SRU was recently taken over by Brunswick PR Ltd (Alan Parker its Managing Director is also a Demos trustee).
Chairman of numerous companies notably: HBOS plc, and Manpower Inc. (a large American company providing temporary employment services for administrative and professional positions which was given the contract for the New Deal’s ‘Working Links’), directors include Rozanne L. Ridgway a career diplomat for 32 years, she was President of the Atlantic Council; currently a director of Boeing, a trustee of the Brookings Institution and George C. Marshall Foundation. Recruitment is a key aspect to Stevenson’s work.
As Chairman of the media group Pearson plc (he joined in 86), he technically controls the FT and the Economist, into which Stevenson introduced the Atlantic Council of the United States director Marjorie Scardino as chief executive. He says he first met Mulgan “when I was giving a talk to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. They’re very high-powered, I’m very busy, and I wanted some help. Somebody pointed me in Geoff’s direction — he was still working for Gordon Brown then, as his researcher — and he was wholly wonderful, incredibly widely read… and he came up with new thoughts, interesting angles”.
(Independent on Sunday 24/1/93)
He also runs Cloaca Maxima Ltd (another secretive consultancy firm aptly named after a large Roman sewer) and is a member of the British Council (see Hargreaves below). Stevenson went onto the Government’s FO backed Re-branding Britain ‘Task Force’ (organised by Mulgan and Mark Leonard) and has had long associations with the FO. At the age of 26 he was sent by Heath to negotiate with top Japanese bankers.
“I spent five years negotiating that deal and afterward I was used by the British government for all direct investment.”
His British Council work involves their 02 psy-op ‘Connecting Futures Research’ based in Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Palestinian territories, Saudi Arabia and Turkey which propagandises that “63% continue to place the UK high on their list of favourite nations. Only 19% view Britain with less approval than before, while 18% actually look at us more favourably”. Stevenson went to Ramallah giving out crayons to local kids; improving Britain’s image abroad and keeping quiet about his arms company friends.
Previously advisor and/or member of: Consigna plc, British Sky Broadcasting Group plc (supposedly Murdoch was reluctantly persuaded to accept him as an independent director and recruitment head of BSkyB (Sunday Business 2/5/99), The Takeover Panel, Aycliffe & Peterlee New Town Development Corp., Lazard Bros. & Co Ltd (Stevenson got this directorship because of Pearson’s shareholding in the bank, the Halifax is a Lazard client, but Stevenson was chosen because it was also a client of his SRU), London Docklands Development Corp. (Thatcher supposedly vetoed his appointment to the Tate but Tim Bell interceded on his behalf), British Technology Group, Thames Television plc, Tyne Tees Holdings plc, AerFi group, J Rothschild Assurance Holdings plc, Smithfield Development Ltd, St James Place Capital plc, Governor, London Business School, London School of Economics.
Having personally funding the ‘Stevenson Commission’, an examination the role of information technology in schools, he was appointed as the PM’s adviser on the application of information technology to education. This quickly went on the road to privatisation when SRU and Lexington Communications (a Labour-connected lobbyist firm started with money from Stevenson, who is a shareholder) got together an anti-BBC alliance to attack their free digital plans. This included several big names in British commercial broadcasting. The put-up pressure group ‘The Digital Learning Alliance’ brought together the British Educational Suppliers Association (advised by SRU) and the Publishers’ Association, with a committee comprising of financially interested companies: including Stevenson’s Pearson Education.
Stevenson is an overseer, parachuting in at the behest of some invisible command. Blair made him Chairman of the House of Lords Appointments Commission responsible for vetting all members of the ‘reformed’ House of Lords and choosing the ‘independent members’. Of Manpower Inc. Stevenson says: “That company got involved in one or two great financial scandals in Britain. It was bought by a company called Blue Arrow as a result of a crooked deal with NatWest. I was asked to be a non-executive director”. He has been given a honourable role in the affair (so too was fellow director Norman Tebbit) and now even advises the Law Society.
He joined English Partnerships who bought the Dome site where he worked closely with Mandelson in the lobbying frenzy. Manpower pledged £12m to the Dome (as did BSkyB at one point). Stevenson forged the deal between the Labour party and BT (Independent 27/9/96). He was supposedly ‘recruited’ by Blair in 96 “after an approach by Peter Mandelson… who Stevenson met years ago when both were involved in youth movements.” (Sunday Times 20/10/96) Indeed their connections go right back to the British Youth Council.
Supposedly after Cambridge he was briefly a member of the Labour Party and then treasurer of the Peckham Young Socialists (Independent on Sunday 5/9/93). He describes himself as a liberal, for others he is “openly arrogant and elitist.” (Sunday Times 20/10/96) He describes Mandelson “as a close friend, but it has nothing to do with politics.” Given the early FO connections Stevenson could well be Mandelson’s missing link with MI6.
Sunday Times 20/10/96 This report also adds that he had been approached by both parties and donated to both.
Stevenson recruited Mandelson for SRU in 1990 before he was an MP and after his time as Communications Director, although almost nothing is known about the period. (Sunday Business 2/5/99) this also adds Stevenson tried to buy an ITV franchise with T&GWU and a local brewer — they failed but the ITA insisted Stevenson joined the board of the winner).
Stevenson was an under-recognised gateway for big business into Labour and has provided a great deal of Mandelson connections, saying that Blair
“always wanted to make Labour into an alternative party of business. There were some big businessmen who were always pro-Labour: Lord Hollick and Chris Haskins for instance. Blair wanted to meet the others, so I organised evenings where he could meet friends of mine. People running FTSE companies… Blair has involved businessmen to a huge extent… In fact he has almost delegated power to them, I think there is a legitimate question about the extent to which that is actually right” .
(Sunday Times 21/06/98)
This report also adds that Stevenson “helped to fill the posts” and suggests that the ‘Rebranding Britain’ escapade was a distraction from the influx of big business onto the government’s ‘Taskforces’. Jeremy Paxman described these with “if you have a wife with an eye on a ladyship, you can’t pass up the opportunity to be part of one of these new taskforces… since this government is obviously going to be in power for a long time… the usual suspects are once again vying for power and influence.” A report by Cranfield University revealed the extent to which the Taskforces — part of Blair’s ‘commitment to change’ — were peopled by key players in British companies. Christopher Haskins of Northern foods for instance is also on the Demos advisory board and the ‘New Deal’ and ‘Better Regulation’ Task Forces, steering British agriculture towards US-style integrated agribusiness, and British food consumption towards highly processed unhealthy preservative-packed food. Stevenson also pushed through the government’s lunatic arts policy
(Evening Standard 30/6/98)
Stevenson moves easily between the areas of corporate power broking and social policy think tanks that provides seemingly informal initiatives exploiting the ambiguous terrain between state and private sector. He attended the 1995 Bilderberg Group meeting in Turnberry and is still on the Demos advisory panel.
A close associate of Jacques in the Marxism Today project, promoting post-modernism. He replaced Richard Hoggart as the director of Birmingham’s CCCS in 1969 developing ‘Cultural Studies’ to move ever further from the political economy approach to the point where one could imagine that ‘culture’ takes place in an economic vacuum.
The MT crowd were savaged by many on the Left for implicitly celebrating the Thatcher project. Like Giddens’ account ‘Beyond Left and Right’, their approach was criticised for positing as inevitable both the empirical shifts it identified and the neo-liberal response. Giddens is now the closest New Labour have to an academic apologist, while Hall is a leading ineffectual critic, suggesting that ‘Mrs Thatcher had a Project. Blair’s historic project is adjusting us to It’.
Professor of Journalism, University of Wales, Cardiff, formerly Deputy Editor of Stevenson’s FT, BBC News and Current affairs and the Independent (with Martin Jacques). He has an overseeing role in UnLtd, Ashoka, CAN and other ‘Mezzanine’ organisations (below). He attended the Ditchley Foundation 7/11/98 and writes for Prospect and is involved in the IPPR. Recently appointed (post 9/11) to BAA (and several government overseeing bodies).
Hargreaves is a member of the Centre for European Reform (CER). This is a lobby group closely associated with the American Enterprise Initiative and Atlantic Council and would appear to be joining both them and MI6 in subversion of ‘the left’. Their board includes:
Percy Barnevik (Chairman of AstraZeneca), Carl Bildt (former Swedish PM also International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) which has strong ties to Bruce Jackson of the PNAC), Antonio Borges (secretary of the Atlantic Council’s Atlantic Treaty Association, founding member of the Portuguese section of the European Movement and Goldman Sachs International), Nick Butler (BP), Lord Dahrendorf (former Warden of St Antony’s College, Oxford with close ties to MI6), Vernon Ellis (Accenture), John Gray (Professor of European Thought, LSE), Lord Hannay (former Ambassador to the UN and the EU), Lord Haskins (former Chairman of Northern Foods), François Heisbourg (Director, Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique), Catherine Kelleher (Visiting Research Professor, U.S. Naval War College), Richard Lambert (former Editor, Financial Times), Dominique Moïsi (Dep. Director of the Institut français des relations internationales), John Monks (General Secretary of the TUC), Dame Pauline Neville-Jones (Chair QinetiQ p.l.c., which runs the British Government’s secret military laboratories and was set up by the MOD to work with the Carlyle Group to run DERA, the British Government’s “Defence Evaluation and Research Agency”. The CIA did much the same thing with In-Q-Tel, Inc.
Career member of the British Diplomatic Service, Foreign affairs adviser to John Major, from 91- 94 chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee which overseen information from MI5, MI6, DIS, GCHQ , Political Director of the FCO, IISS with Blix above, and also a Harkness Fellow, Governor the Ditchley Foundation and the BBC), Lord Simon of Highbury (former Minister for Trade and Competitiveness in Europe), Baroness Smith of Gilmorehill (Hakluyt), Peter Sutherland (Chairman of BP plc.), Adair Turner (Vice Chairman, Merrill Lynch Holdings Ltd now with the Forward Strategy Unit ).
The CER lobby for various Atlanticist positions and work with uber-lobbyists APCO (set up by cigarette giant Philip Morris to prove — with junk science — that cigarettes are good for you. A great deal of APCO’S work is in politics and their board is full of old political hangers on).
APCO are lobbyists for various US companies who work in Europe These include Shell, Exxon Chemical, CEFIC (chemical industries association), Ford Motor Company, Microsoft, Boeing and Monsanto. Issues have included EU/US trade negotiations, EU chemical policy, transport, defence, corporate governance, emissions legislation and food biotechnology.”
Their site also concedes they do ‘grass roots work’:
“While in Washington… led a $50 million a year global information program on genetically modified foods. The campaign integrated different communications tools — from advertising and opinion research to media relations, consumer marketing, online advocacy and grassroots activism — in multiple markets around the world, including North America, Europe and Japan.”
http://www.apcouk.com/mac/our_people.asp see Stephen Kehoe
APCO have also been doing “European crisis work for WorldCom.”
Mandelson speaks frequently at their meetings, http://www.cer.org.uk/pdf/annual_report_2002.pdf and they are funded by WPP, the Economist, Pearson, German Marshall Fund of the US and a group of banks and arms companies connected to the directors. Thought of as a ‘New Labour think tank’, the CER was set up by Nick Butler, now Group Vice President for Policy Development, BP p.l.c., member of the World Economic Forum and Executive of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House). Butler, a former right-wing labour MP was a key figure in setting up BAP and remains chair of the CER’s advisory board Nick Butler (Group Vice President for Policy Development, BP p.l.c.)
The CER seem to have both UK and US intelligence connections as part of the UK’s role as an agent for the US in the EU. CER’s main man, Charles Grant, former Defence Editor of The Economist, writes on UK/US intelligence and works closely with the FO, collaborating with individuals such as Roger Liddle and Mark Leonard (at the FPC). He was on the official list of approved Labour Party Candidates, leaked to The Independent.
Grant is also on the British Council with Lord Stevenson and is another of his protégés (he wrote articles on the Blue Arrow affair for The Economist). He has also written with Prospect magazine editor, David Goodhart. He attended a 24/11/02 ‘informal group of Businessmen and politicians’ initiated by Lord Weidenfeld which included Mandelson, Sir Evelyn de Rothschild, Lord Hurd, Baroness Jay, Lord Tugendhat and the curious Micheal Maclay.
As has been noted in Private Eye 1031, Maclay, worked at LWT under John Birt and Mandelson, a career Foreign Office official he is a special advisor to Carl Bildt. McLay was also an early member of BAP and is involved in Hakluyt: the strategic intelligence firm, many of whose directors were formerly senior figures in MI6.
Sir Anthony Hammond, the former Treasury solicitor who conducted the official inquiry into the Hinduja passports affair (and let Mandelson off the hook) has a salaried position as the official legal adviser to Hakluyt.
Demos’ Ian Hargreaves is on the CER board with Baroness Smith — the wife of the late Labour leader. She has, since 98, been on the board of Hukluyt who spied on environmental groups for oil companies, including BP. Smith is an advisor for BP Scotland. Hargreaves is on the board of Greenpeace and Huyklut spied on Greenpeace. If you look at the others on the CER board you see BP well represented. Shell fund Demos and their offices are across the road. Chair and Treasurer of the Demos Trustees, Andrew Mackenzie is also BP group vice president for chemicals, having previously worked with RTZ. Hakluyt also spied on Anita Roddick’s ‘Body Shop’ and Roddick is also on the Demos Board.
The Atlantic Council was formed in 1994 when the British Atlantic Committee and Peace Through NATO (PTN) joined forces. PTN was the group used by then Defence Secretary Micheal Heseltine to undermine CND. The Huyklut connection (and the Demos connections: Hargreaves, Haskins) with the CER (which is a partner with the Atlantic Council of the AEI) are a slight indication that perhaps there are continuities in Demos with anti-Left operations dating back to Heseltine, Lord Carrington and Crozier’s days. The CER’s founder Nick Butler is also a key figure in BAP, as tresurer he brought funding from BP and RTZ to help in BAP’s aim to groom the future Labour leadership because: “The traditional British left-wing remained deeply suspicious of the United States, particularly on foreign policy and security issues. The British American Project (BAP) was made to counter this suspicion and encourage admiration for US-style ‘market forces’”.
According to Paul Foot: “Butler has been an ideological pillar of New Labour ever since he wrote a book with Neil Kinnock in 1987 trying to persuade people to vote Labour because the party had changed its attitude to shareholders and had been converted to the case for making money for nothing.”
Butler, is a strategic policy adviser to BP (which fund the CER as a conduit), he is a former Labour candidate and friend of Jonathan Powell, Blair’s chief of staff. He is part of the Executive of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (who administer BAP i the UK) and the World Economic Forum. Butler jointly authored Why Vote Labour with Neil Kinnock in 1979 and through the Fabian Society ‘helped’ Kinnock’s attempts to move the party away from unilateral nuclear disarmament in the 80s, a key goal of BAP and US foreign policy.
CER’s office is 29 Tufton Street, Westminister, which they share with the Tory Reform Group which contains our old friends: Michael Heseltine, Kenneth Clarke, Lord Hunt, Lord Hurd, Chris Patten, Sir Malcolm Rifkind, Sir Tim Sainsbury and a host of other top Conservatives. The office is also used by the Action Centre for Europe which gathers together: Lord Carrington, Lord Howe, Lord Brittan, Kenneth Clarke, Stephen Dorrell, Christopher Patten, Lord Hunt and so on. The Conservative Group for Europe (much the same line-up) are also tucked in there. At number 11, the European Movement’s offices are down the road and so are the Social Market Foundation.
Sheffield Uni. (ex-SDP and Labour MP), Editorial Board of The Political Quarterly (with Mulgan), Renewal magazine and he writes for Prospect and the Fabian Society. An IPPR Trustee, edited ‘The Ideas That Shaped Post-War Britain’ (London: Fontana) with Seldon, Citizens for Europe with Holtham above, Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford, and the rigged Nexus debate.
‘If rights are not balanced by duties’ says Marquand, ‘why should the rich make sacrifices for the poor? If collective provision is not a means of moral improvement why should those who are not in need pay taxes to pay for it?’ Endorsed by Frank Field this follows on from Charles Murray and seems to be formulating a ‘deserving poor’. He argues in Prospect (May 98) that it is wrong to see Blair as the continuation of Thatcherism by other means: “The government combines economic continuity with radical political discontinuity”.
Principal of Mansfield College Oxford (started in 95) which claims to have a 60-75% state-sector entry ‘the envy of many’.
He wrote Change Gear (1967) with David Owen: a tract challenging Labour policies. Considered a ‘second generation revisionist social democrat’ along with SDP ‘Gang of Four. Advisory Group: Green College Centre for Environmental Policy and Understanding (board includes Charles Filmer of the Goldsmith Foundation) mainly supported by the Reuter Foundation (also funded by the Goldsmith Foundation). The organisation also has connections with RIIA and Ditchley.
Board of the Regional Policy Forum and The Constitution Unit (with Lord Howe, Lord Hurd, Lord Jenkins, Lord Alexander etc. and Graham Mather below). In the early 60s he wrote for Encounter arguing against CND and unilateralism.
Formerly of the far-right National Association For Freedom, Mather was a founder of the European Policy Forum and director of the IEA (since 86) when things started to go wrong with Tory monetary policy (FT 9/4/90). Mather had no problem with the IEA’s game “to get government out of providing schools and hospitals, cut taxes and give vouchers to the poor” (Guardian 4/5/99) but his resignation in 92 came after several months of infighting between Mather, Lord Harris and Seldon following Thatcher’s removal. As the result of targeted leaks the Charity Commissioners investigated the IEA’s charitable status, claiming it was covertly acting as a political organisation. Embarrassed patrons at the time included the governor of the Bank of England and the chairman of the Stock Exchange. The IEA has merged slightly with Demos and the IPPR (its offshoot ‘Civitas’, below, shares an office with Demos).
Mather came to prominence as head of policy at the Institute of Directors, principle interests are “the advance of markets into government itself” (FT 16/3/92). The IEA’s offices are round the corner from Parliament as are Demos’. He sees himself as part of a “priesthood of believers in the market” pushing a libertarian right ideology against the “threat… from socialism” (Independent 12/12/90). This report also notes that the IPPR’s Patricia Hewitt felt a common cause with Mather:
“There is even, between the rival think tanks, agreement on the part of the new agenda… That has reached the point where the IEA and IPPR are planning a joint seminar…” It is not Mr Mather says, “a consensus on solutions. But there is a consensus on objectives.” Patricia Hewitt says: “We may even be able to agree on some of the methods.”
This came through the use of the phrase empowerment “…an attempt to simulate the power of the market mechanism within the public sector…” Mather advanced the lunatic ‘contractualism’ a “new social contract which is built up of millions of micro-contracts for better standards of public service” as argued in his pamphlet ‘Government by Contract.’ (FT 26/3/91) The joint conference between the IPPR was on ‘empowerment’ and came at the same time the British Communist Party changed its name. Also an MEP (for Newbury 94-99) and Constitution Unit Council, Mather advises an international investment bank and is a member of the Competition Commission.
A member of the Greenham Common Trust. This is a property development of the site which became a world famous icon for protests against the cruise missiles of the 501st tactical missile unit USAF. By 1990 the missiles had gone and in 92 the base was declared redundant for military purposes. He lives at Donnington and is involved with a “number of local business interests.”
Professor of Public Management at the School of Public Policy University of Birmingham, formerly Cabinet Office. Audit Commission for England and Wales 1997, Specialist Adviser to the Treasury and Civil Service Committee, member of the Programmes Board ESRC 1992-95. Member of the Modernising Government Project Board. She has been a civil servant research fellow at the London Business School, a founding member of management consultancy ‘Office for Public Management’ (a private company). Chaired the 98 Nexus Third Way ‘debate’ and has joined Mulgan speaking at various conferences.
Director of the LSE (90-96, once described as Mrs Thatcher’s favourite academic), Central Policy Review staff (1976-81), chair of British Library (96-01); formerly: Vice Chancellor, University of London (91-92); Director, ESRC, a Governor, Director of Granada Group plc, governor of the American International University in London, The Ditchley Foundation.
A corporate lawyer specialising in international issues at the time of Demos’ launch the company secretary of Hanson; now heads the Ethical Trading Initiative keeping an eye on NGO’s such as Oxfam and War on Want, Chief Executive ProNed, former executive of Park Avenue recruitment firm Heidrick & Struggles (who the CIA hired to find a CEO for In-Q-It, their research division), non-executive director BT, Coutts & Co and a governor of the London Business School. Former European Legal Counsel for Disney, on the board of Sweet Charity with Dame Stella Rimington.
Birmingham University, Professor of health policy involved in ‘reform’ of NHS. He has served as an adviser to numerous agencies including the World Bank and the World Health Organisation. Ham was criticised by the BMJ because of his denials that government policies “are guided by a … hidden agenda which, through a series of incremental steps, will result in more private involvement in the financing and delivery of health services.” Spoke at IPPR conference on the benefits of privatisation.
Demos’ policy entrepreneurs share their office on a Mezzanine floor with a cartel of supposedly independent ‘charities’ who make money out of the poor with ‘social entrepreneurialism’. These organisations overlap in personnel and exchange funding, most of which has been pirated away from the Lottery and put under the control of New Labour ‘place men.’ They benefit from the think tank led policy shifts towards an (accountable) ‘individual entrepreneurialism’ backed by big business for conceptual social benefit. A shift from a political perspective working for fundamental changes into what they term ‘venture philanthropy’. This is a place where sensitive and confidential information is systematically passed to key lobbyists with money going the other way.
The Community Action Network (CAN)
This is a fake grassroots organisation which acts as a lobbyist to government for big business (Demos and the other New Labour think tanks serve a similar function). CAN say that “One model we had in mind… was the way that in the 1970s, organisations like Child Poverty Action Group, Friends of the Earth and the Low Pay Unit congregated in London’s Poland Street, where premises were made available at low cost by the Joseph Rowntree Trust.” This was rumoured to include a surveillance aspect.
The low pay bunch are on a good salary upstairs on the second floor.
In late 1997 CAN was introduced by Geoffrey Tucker to GTech who gave them £130,000. Tucker was a successful lobbyist whose clients included British Nuclear Fuels, and British Gas. He brokered the marriage between De La Rue and GTech to create Camelot and CAN was part of his operation. Until his recent death (while employed to promote McDonald’s cause in Whitehall, trying to squeeze them into dinner schools — now modelled on McDonald’s layout) he was a ‘Strategic Adviser’ of CAN and it is difficult to argue the rest of the board didn’t know what he did, particularly since they are up to much the same thing.
Between 1985-87, Tucker advised Thatcher on PR and had connections with the IRD.
Lashmar and Oliver, Britain’s Secret Propaganda War. Amongst IRD operatives were Alan Hare, who worked for the FO and became chief executive of the FT, Lord Gibson, chairman of Pearson Longman, which owns the FT, and Charles Douglas-Home, later editor of the FT.
He did Mandelson job at Conservative Central Office during the Heath Government, according to the Spectator:
“…in the 1970 election, Tucker — without the knowledge of Edward Heath or the party chairman — arranged payment for a Labour official to tell the Tories Labour’s election tactics. The Independent said that the mole was still alive.”
CAN’s other big funder is British Gas (BG). Now this chimes right in with Greg Palast’s work on lobbying (page 156 of The Best Democracy Money Can Buy). He has Draper and Liddle boasting that they can put a BG chairman on a government task force and that they — as lobbyists — were hired to do so. Palast also writes about scandal-ridden GTech’s connections with Draper and Mandelson as GTech lobbied to sell tickets for the Lottery.
(The Observer 21/1/01)
He outlined a ramification of PR companies and lobbyists, all well-connected to the upper echelons of New Labour intermingling with captive think tanks indistinguishable from the lobbyists but he overlooked the Mezzanine.
CAN also has John Wybrew, Director Corporate Affairs, BG Plc. As Head of Special Projects for Shell UK he took part in the meeting with Greenpeace to discuss the future of the Brent Spar oil platform. He is a member of Lattice’s monopoly gas and electricity network (Lattice brought Transco together with the National Grid as a £15bn company controlled by a small group of directors). Seconded to Mrs Thatcher’s Policy Unit to advise on energy policies, he is now an officer of the Parliamentary Group for Energy Studies. Spoke at ASI 14/3/01. Member with Marquand (above) of Regional Policy Forum, British Energy Authority. Chairman of the newly formed Gas Industry Emergency Committee set up in partnership with the Government for crisis planning and preparation as regards gas supplies for the British gas market. He is a member of the CBI Europe Committee and an officer of the Parliamentary Group for Energy Studies.
British Gas’ Sir Richard Giordano is a board member of The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and worked as a lawyer with Shearman & Sterling which has close ties with the CIA, Stella Rimington is also on the board of BG’s Transco. Demos also receives core funding from BG (along with Cable and Wireless, NatWest, Shell, Northern Foods and Tesco).
Someone else who quietly slipped into the New Deal Task Force and DTI Competitiveness Council is CAN’s Amelia Fawcett (who has US/UK citizenship). Prior to joining Morgan Stanley, she worked for the international US law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell, first in New York then in Paris. That’s the Dulles brothers firm, generally regarded as indistinguishable from the CIA.
“Allen Dulles, who ran the CIA in the 1950s, was a product of the New York law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell, which has always epitomised the Establishment,” […] “While he was in charge at the Agency, his business and legal confreres were used extensively to enable the CIA to achieve its secret purposes.”
Fawcett (one of the twenty most powerful women in the City according to the Evening Standard), stated that: “Morgan Stanley asked me to set up a government coverage function to monitor UK and EU governmental initiatives, support the privatisation effort and look for business opportunities with government.”
The Lobbying is pretty obvious:
“Ten young social entrepreneurs, all sponsored by the Coca-Cola Youth Foundation, were recently taken by CAN to Number Ten Downing Street. This is part of a programme of activities which CAN is implementing to inspire and encourage them to develop their social entrepreneurial skills further. They meet Geoff Mulgan of the Policy Unit and discussed ideas and issues that concern them. Geoff has given the group and all CAN members e-mail access via CAN HQ into the Policy Unit so the dialogue with government can continue.”
Christopher N. Banks, Managing Director of Coca-Cola Great Britain is on the board of CAN which is run by Demos’ Ian Hargreaves’ wife Adele Blakebrough and Demos’ Tom Bentley. A lot of the vetting work (“typically, the recruitment process involves a two-day residential session”) is done by Andrew Mawson and Peter Thomson: Blair’s religion ‘guru,’ at Oxford whose sincerity can be deduced from the foreword he wrote for ‘Corporate Christ’ which:
“provides a new look and a new perspective on the life of Christ: how he built awareness of his message; the unique PR techniques he adopted; the 7 sales principles used to win converts; the management techniques used to turn 12 ordinary men into a crack team of disciples; how he sowed the seed for the creation of the most powerful and important movement the world has known…”
Judas and the Third Way next perhaps? Blair supposedly resisted Marxism because of Thomson’s influence ‘venture philanthopy’s’ ideology is serving God and Mammon. Mawson and Thomson have connections with the Brisbane Institute and the MOD.
CAN was launched in as “a network created by social entrepreneurs for social entrepreneurs,” largely as a result of promotion by Demos. They say that they “attack deprivation in the UK” — and yet they want to turn themselves into a bank. Their ethos has no real connection with the poor: they seek to “increase the number of social entrepreneurs, raise their profile and to help improve the quality of their work.”
Further financial support came from Arthur Andersen and the Social Exclusion Unit and a Home Office grant over three years. This would have ties to CAN board member Rt. Hon. Alun Michael MP. He was Deputy Home Secretary 1997-98 when CAN got the GTech and BG deal, now Minister of State at the Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs. He was parachuted in as First Secretary of the National Assembly for Wales 1999-00 but the fix didn’t hold. CAN’s other New Labour connections include Baroness Ashton: Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for School Standards and Early Years, Department for Education and Skills. New to the Government and the Lords. Her background is in social services, and as an administrative officer for CND in 1977.
CAN was also set up by Helen Taylor Thompson who served in SOE (she now attends lefty conferences) during WWII, and is responsible for developing international links for CAN with the Ashoka organisation which is based in the Mezzanine.
An American organisation again devoted to ‘social entrepreneurs’. Founded in the 1960s by Bill Drayton: “For four years, he was Assistant Administrator at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency… He successfully “intrapreneured” a series of major innovations and reforms in the field, ranging from the introduction of emissions trading to the use of economics-defined incentives to remove the advantage of delaying compliance… He also served briefly in the White House.”
A ‘former’ consultant with McKinsey & Co. (Ashoka Fellows operate through partnerships with professionals from McKinsey & Company, Hill & Knowlton) the “Ashoka Society” was followed by the “Ashoka Table” at both Harvard College and Oxford University. It places carefully selected volunteers around the world. It has mutated into Youth Venture with Lou Harris Founder, Harris Polls (Kennedy’s political consultant and pollster during the 1960 presidential campaign and his term in office), Joe Onek the Senior Co-ordinator for Rule of Law, U.S. Government. It has ties to the Carnegie Foundation and The Rockefeller Foundation.
Ashoka (like many Mezzanine operations) operates as PR for big organisations (power companies in Indonesia etc.) to adjust the public to their needs and procedures through propaganda philanthropy. It also helps control public forums, organises “independent” groups as pro-corporate spokespeople, and tries to divide critics. In Turkey, they are developing relationships with George Soros’ Open Society Institute to create a program that promotes “social entrepreneurship and creative resourcing”.
Foreign Policy Centre
The FPC has direct connections to the intelligence services through Baroness Meta Ramsay. Steven Dorril’s history of MI6 states that Ramsay was secretary of the International Student Conference (ISC) which allegedly acted as a CIA front. Its offshoot the FISC “shared an office” with the overseas Students Trust which also seems to have had intelligence connections and worked within the NUS. With the proximity of overseas placement organisations in the Mezzanine it looks as if the Baroness is at it again. Along with the IPPR the FPC was named as offering access for cash.
The Observer 30/6/02
Rowena Young (FPC and School for Social Entrepreneurs) is married to Mulgan and was Director of ‘Kaleidoscope’, a project where CAN directors Adele Blakebrough and Andrew Mawson worked on their first ventures.
Carnegie Youth Trust
The first scholars who specialised in international studies were sponsored by the OSS/CIA, with funding laundered by the Carnegie, Rockefeller, and Ford Foundations to rubber- stamp the Cold War. The first OSS Secret intelligence chief in London, Whitney Shepardson was director of the Carnegie Corporation’s British Fund and president of the CIA-funded Free Europe Committee.
OSS, Richard Harris Smith, University of California
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace “incubated” German Marshall Fund of the United States and John Foster Dulles led the board; the organisation reproduces CIA reports to this day. Its Massachusetts Avenue address is shared by BAP, the Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Heritage Foundation, CATO Institute, CFR, Brookings Institute, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, British Embassy and so on.
Their board includes Millie Banerjee: NHS Modernisation action team member, Commissioner for Judicial Appointments, OFCOM (with Ian Hargreaves), Channel 4, Cabinet Office Management Board, Strategic Rail Authority, BT, Prisons board, Centrica, ICONET a high tech communications company which works with Boeing.
A curious consortium bringing together mostly Mezzanine groups: Ashoka, CAN, the Scarman Trust, the School for Social Entrepreneurs (SSE), Senscot, the Scottish network for social entrepreneurs and Comic Relief. It was given a £100m endowment to fund pet projects and aid in the privatising of public services.
Their board includes:
Jeremy Oppenheim — Ashoka’s UK chairman and a senior management consultant at McKinsey, Harvard Institute for International Development, joined the World Bank in 87.
Christopher Smallwood — Special Adviser in the Constitution Unit, Economic Adviser to the Treasury 1976-81, former Chief Economist and Head of Financial Strategy and Planning for BP, Economics Editor Sunday Times, was Chief Economist TSB Bank 1989-94, Makinson Cowell Ltd (a specialist consultancy firm which advises leading American companies) formerly Brunswick Group now Chief Economic Advisor at Barclays Bank and a member of the Monopolies and Mergers Commission.
Kate Kirkland — Chairs Oxfam’s Trustee Recruitment and Development Group also a trustee of SSE and of the Family Welfare Association.
Andrew Mawson — Community Action Network (CAN).
UnLtd wanted to turn itself into a bank (also the ambition of CAN) and lend the money rather than give it away.
It is now run by John Rafferty, described by The Observer as ‘Tony Blair’s most trusted ally in Scotland’, who was briefly a spin doctor to the late Donald Dewar:
“Ostensibly, Rafferty had spun a false web about death threats to Susan Deacon, health minister, from anti-abortionists. In reality, Rafferty’s fall was engineered by old Labour rivals jealous of his links to Millbank.”
Blairite forces in London put Rafferty in control of Labour’s campaign in Scotland in the run-up to the campaign with no reference to the Scottish party and he was tipped to be Mr Dewar’s chief of staff.
he was also special adviser to the Catholic Church in Glasgow.
After being ‘controversially dismissed’, he was ‘pulled in’ (from TimeBank, the BBC-backed volunteering campaign also in the Mezzanine) as UnLtd’s chief executive. Rafferty was head of the National Lottery Charities Board in Scotland (UnLtd’s money comes from the Lottery via the Millennium Commission).
The Policy Network
A think tank started by Mandelson which has links to US ‘third-way’ think tanks. Trustees include Lord Levy (Blair’s envoy to the Middle East and chief fundraiser for the Labour Party), Philip Gould, Anthony Giddens and Andrew Adonis (a senior figure in the Downing Street policy unit). The Network’s journal is edited by Andrew Hood, special adviser to Geoff Hoon, the Secretary of State for Defence, Sidney Blumenthal, former special adviser to Bill Clinton, is also on the editorial board.
Set up in 2000 by a section of Blair’s inner circle it includes:
Andrew Adonis, head of Downing Street’s policy unit,Roger Liddle, a senior member of the No 10 policy unit caught up in the Lobbygate affair  (and now working for Mandelson in Brussels),
Adair Turner, the former CBI director who was part of Blair’s ‘blue sky’ thinking unit, Philip Gould, the prime minister’s pollster and Anthony Giddens, architect of the Blairite Third Way.
The Policy Network was set up when Mandelson resigned after the Hinduja affair. A source close to the think tank claimed it “was all part of attempts by Downing Street and friends to ‘feather bed’ his second fall from grace”. The de Rothschilds fund the charity, the Policy Network Foundation which funds the Policy Network.
Mandelson said he would be using the Network’s high profile platform to launch an attack on the policies of the anti-globalisation protesters. ‘The social movement opposed to globalisation is heading up a whole number of cul de sacs,’ he said. ‘Nevertheless those of us on the Centre Left need to rise to a higher level of engagement. We cannot reduce important debate about serious matters to an issue of crowd control.’And this has also been a focus of the FPC and Demos in the work of John Lloyd.
The Policy Network, recently moved from its Mezzanine office to 11 Tufton Street, home of the Social Market Foundation and where the Adam Smith Institute hold their meetings.
They say it became independent of the IEA in 2000, but the advisory board of IEA stalwarts Sir Peter Walters, Lord Harris of High Cross (Bruges group with Norris McWhirter etc.), Patrick Barbour and Kenneth Minogue doesn’t really suggest this. Director (ex-Labour councillor) Dr. David Green had been at the IEA since 1984. Deputy Director Robert Whelan also IEA. It focuses on race, health and welfare reform promoting Charles Murray and the ‘Underclass’.
Describe the Mezzanine as “an open plan trading floor or market place… where new relationships are negotiated and new ideas turned into practical opportunities.” It sees itself as “putting in place the foundation stones of a new entrepreneurial culture that cuts across the traditional compartments within which we have all lived and worked. The organisations meeting on the Mezzanine are committed to replicating this ‘cultural space’ in towns, cities and rural areas across the UK.” Although pretending to be a charity it is more of an expensive consultancy working jointly with Demos to gain access to Lottery and European Social Fund money.
The board includes familiar names: Baroness Ashton of Upholland, Anthony Giddens, Ian Hargreaves, Will Hutton, Lord Stevenson and Linda Tarr-Whelan a US Ambassador who runs the US Demos (funded by the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Nathan Cummings Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and Carnegie Corporation).
Lobbying and preparation for deregulation and or policy shift, obtaining the government spending on promoting policy shifts, obtaining the spending via newly formed pseudo groups, obtaining the spending on promotion by industries and professions following government directives (including placements of business executives on important committees), obtaining the spending on PR in the new ‘business climate’ created by the new policy initiatives, obtaining the spending on selective monitoring and tailored asessments of the effect of policy shifts.
All the Mezzanine groups engage in this process: while Demos might not actually receive the funds directly in every incidence, the PR companies represented by its board or trustees (such as Alan Parker the founder of communications consultancy the Brunswick Group or MT Rainey Founder and joint of advertising agency, Rainey Kelly Campbell Roalfe) do. The funds — mostly from the government, big business — are swallowed up in something resembling a corporate shell game. the demos annual accounts for 2002 state that demos received funds from Mezzanine neighbours: the Carneigie United Kingdom Trust (£9,951), the Community Action Network (£15,000), the Kid’s Club Network (£15,000) and others. As we have seen (particularly in the instance of CAN) there are overlapping directors in these organisations and that contrary to the statement on their web site that: “Demos only accepts funding for projects which are in the public interest and we remain independent in our activities. As a registered charity, we do not become involved in political lobbying” there has been clear lobbying activity involving Mulgan and Coca Cola. With corporate “partners” such as: British Gas, BT, Edexcel Foundation, Cable & Wireless, IBM, ICL, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Mercury, NatWest , Prudential, Pearson, Scottish Power, Shell, Tesco, Thames Water, Unilever and Woolworths; and government “partners” such as: the Cabinet Office, Home Office, the Ministry of Defence, Department for Culture, Media and Sport , Department for Education and Skills and the Department of Trade and Industry, it is difficult to see who Demos is “independent” from.
To quote Tom Bentley, who describes Demos as a “political think tank for the twenty-first century”:
“As New Labour has discovered, the gap between policy and practice is one of the most difficult to bridge. DEMOS has in many ways acted as an intellectual intermediary in the policy/practice sphere, introducing and working on new terms (e.g. ‘social entrepreneurship’ and ‘joined-up government’) as well as applied thinking. Many policy makers are not well equipped to build institutions, and DEMOS therefore works through partnerships to develop this capacity.”
Demos’ grandiose claim to serve the public interest as a centre for research and analysis of important public issues, is in reality, little more than a PR front, based in the metropolitan circuit close to the seat of government. Its ‘scholarship’ serves the advocacy goals of corporate and government sponsors; in the words of Yellow Times.org’s columnist John Chuckman, “phony institutes where ideologue-propagandists pose as academics … [into which] money gushes like blood from opened arteries to support meaningless advertising’s suffocation of genuine debate”. (http://www.yellowtimes.org/article.php?sid=1442&mode=thread&order=0)
Its recent takeover by the millionaire Labour MP Geoffrey Robinson and the appointment of the former SDP stalwart Ian Hargreaves as editor heralded a complete break with all these traditions and a lurch to the right so shameless and so sudden that socialists everywhere have been throwing it away in disbelief. What was left of the challenge of the New Statesman has now been totally engulfed in the Blair menace, which instead of exposing and defying the hideous priorities of modern capitalism, sings its praises.